Morocco: From Strength to Rationale Mohamad Ashab Al-Hayat - 21/12/05//
The Moroccans are trying to develop an atypical regime. The announcement about unveiling mass graves does not measure up to the alarming surprise, just like the acknowledgment that the country is waging a war on poverty or that it is not an exception in the terrorism phenomenon. In addition, the replacement of the top official in the civil secret service body took place without noise or confusion. Moreover, the fascination before these sagas hides the onset of a regime confirming the break off with the practices of the political congestion eras. As no one expected that after some furious youngsters raised the flag of the "Polisario" front in the Sahara, everything would resume as normal, the opening of the mass graves files, despite their hideousness, gives the impression that freedom values are being revived. This is despite the fact that the unemployed youngsters, mainly university graduates, who destroyed themselves by fire in the street to protest against the scarce employment opportunities, are missing the opportunity to achieve the other recovery compiling freedom values, respect of human rights, and a positive mutation toward the gist of the economic, social, and cultural rights, since the biggest challenge leads to economic reforms once they are discernible. However, the restraints of the political dilemmas continue unsuccessfully. The Moroccans who wagered, at the end of the past millennium when the opposition parties joined the government, that they will have an impact on the pattern of the structural reforms, refuse to admit the end of the sponsor state that imposes its authority on all sectors. The acts of the furious youngsters in al-Ouyoun, in Rabat or in the most remote village from the center mean that some do not want the State to abandon its main tasks. It is indubitable that its tendency to admit its political and moral responsibility for its long-standing unscrupulous human rights record is are new trails in the quality leap on the political track. Those who were the closest to the late King Hassan II are realizing now why the monarch kept his successor, King Mohamed VI, distant from the direct tackling of the political sensitivities. Now, the latter finds himself free and less constrained in dealing with all these files, previously prohibited. The issue is not about turning into opposition but about the ability to benefit from mistakes and hurdles. As long as the violations are obvious in the government's policy and in the approaches of the electoral elites, businessmen, and the syndication centralities influenced by the ties of the past, a long haul reflection becomes a recourse to draw near to the facts. Thus, it is possible to believe that once the motive is different, so are the policies. However, the Moroccans, who used to fight for the authority between the Palace and the Opposition are now fighting in different spaces in eras, and between generations.
It has become familiar that the once mere political precautions are translated according to the increasing challenges to the economic and social burdens and the cultural concerns. No one wants to delve once again into the skepticism era. The most important facet of the current Moroccan experience is that people want to know themselves and their history, hoping that it will help them in gearing to face the future. The immunization against the contagion of the unrestrained authority, as it turns into an oppression of liberties, remains essential as long as there is no recurrence of the transgression mistakes. The reading of the past, including the shadow and darkness areas, is inevitable and beneficial as long as it does not involve painful marks or effects, since being concerned with these risks hinders the discovery of the progress laws. The debate will remain prevalent in an issue that made the authority's struggle in Morocco for the last four decades effective. Even though the assessment levels may vary according to motives and positions, it included lessons, the harshest of which is that the Moroccans open their eyes to mass graves, which were uselessly hidden under the surface. Although the experience is bitter and unconceivable, putting it behind is being achieved competently and carefully without contempt. No one knows what went on in the mind of the late King Hassan II the day he ordered to open the horrific Tazmamart detention camp. It is not because it harbored military and civilian militants from the opposition, who tried to topple his regime, but because it was out of the scope of the law's control and incompatible with the respect of the right to live. It is just as the gunshots that killed a number of demonstrators in Casablanca indicate that there is an excessive use of violence. It remains for the Moroccans today to try to excessively use rationale and wisdom.
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