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In the European Parliament, two major texts tightening migration policy across EU member states were adopted on Tuesday. The new legal frameworks amend existing asylum procedures and establish a European list of so-called «safe third countries», which includes Morocco. Under the revised rules, asylum seekers may be returned to these countries even if they are not nationals. The texts still require formal adoption by the Council of the European Union.
In the hemicycle, the measures were backed largely by right-wing and far-right groups, including the European People’s Party (EPP), the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), Patriots for Europe (PfE), and Europe of Sovereign Nations (ESN). The creation of a European list of safe countries of origin was approved by 408 votes in favor, 184 against, and 60 abstentions. Meanwhile, the regulation governing the application of the «safe third country» concept passed with 396 votes in favor, 226 against, and 30 abstentions.
According to the European Parliament, the new list «will accelerate the processing of asylum applications from nationals of the countries on the list, Bangladesh, Colombia, Egypt, Kosovo, India, Morocco, and Tunisia». Under the new system, «it will be up to each applicant to prove that this provision should not apply to their case due to a well-founded fear of persecution or the risk of serious harm if returned to their country».
Strengthening the outsourcing of EU borders
The Parliament further notes that the designation of a country as «safe», at both the European and national levels, may include exceptions for specific regions or clearly identifiable categories of people. In addition, accelerated border procedures will apply to applicants whose nationality has an asylum recognition rate below 20%. These provisions could take effect even before the European Pact on Migration and Asylum formally enters into force in June.
Unaccompanied minors are excluded from the new measures. Their applications «will continue to be processed by European countries or by countries with which they have a link or through which they have transited». Outside this category, however, a direct link between the applicant and the transfer country will no longer be required.
Reacting to the vote, Mohamed Charef, geography professor at Ibn Zohr University in Agadir and director of the Regional Observatory of Migration, Space & Society, described the move to Yabiladi as «yet another attempt to tighten the noose, a barrier designed to retain, curb, and slow down emigration to Europe», in a political climate marked by the resurgence of right-wing and far-right forces across the continent.
Regarding Morocco’s classification as a safe country, Charef believes the kingdom «might agree to welcome its own nationals, but probably not those from other third countries». He stressed that this form of border outsourcing is not new in EU-Morocco relations.
«Since the 1990s, the return of applicants from third countries has often been discussed in meetings between institutional actors on both sides, but without ever receiving a green light from Morocco», he said. Extending such measures to non-Moroccan nationals, he argues, would contradict «the national orientations desired for migration policy», particularly in light of Morocco’s African commitments.
«This is one of the main reasons why Morocco has never decided to welcome applicants other than its own citizens from Europe. I would be surprised if it changed its position in the near future».
Under the new provisions, EU states may conclude financially supported agreements with third countries to host migrants, similar to the UK’s now-abandoned Rwanda plan or Italy’s agreements with Albania. However, as Charef notes, these initiatives have faced significant legal obstacles, highlighting the complexity of applying such a model in Morocco.
Impact on Moroccan asylum seekers
Mustapha El Miri, sociologist at Aix-Marseille University and specialist in international mobility, believes the new rules will primarily affect Moroccan asylum seekers. «They will need to prove even more rigorously why these measures should not apply to them, given that their country is considered safe and stable, economically and politically», he told Yabiladi.
El Miri argues that Morocco will likely respond in a way that balances shared interests while maintaining its decision-making independence. According to him, the kingdom tends to reconcile consultation with sovereignty.
For Charef, the vote reflects pressure from Europe’s right and far right, consistent with what he calls a «closed discourse» gaining traction in several member states.
«This short-term, electoral political discourse unfortunately bears fruit. It is adopted by European countries, even as regularizations of immigrants continue in parallel. The left often responds only sporadically, whereas the issue needs to be addressed in depth to explain Europe’s economic and social need for immigration».
El Miri also situates the debate within a broader historical context. «Europe often asserts a vision of superiority over its neighbors in the global South, as if they still had to comply with its wishes», he observed.
He adds that Morocco is frequently perceived as a potential «guardian of the EU’s southern borders because it is considered a trusted African partner, «sometimes with confusion between trust and allegiance». However, he insists, «Morocco has repeatedly shown, on various issues, that it does not confuse the two terms», and he remains convinced that «Morocco will not transform into a hub for non-national migrants rejected by the EU».
